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Wshh Dating Site

Apr 2, 6. Apr 2, 7. Apr 2, 8. No it's mostly music videos, but the fighting vids get the most attention. Electroacoustic , Apr 2, Apr 2, 9. Apr 2, Actually, black people doing crazy stuff and fighting is the minority of videos on the site strangely enough. RoBoforce , Apr 2, Ruzhyo , Apr 2, It's the Detroit of the internet. Instead, all videos appear on the front page as rectangular thumbnails organized in four tidy columns that are divided by a small banner advertisement and the date of upload.

This pattern is repeated on the front and back pages of WSHH, allowing each page to fit videos, only four days worth of content, on a single page. Excess operates at both the formal and narrative level of WSHH; for example, its openness to amateur content creates a space for uninhibited performances by out of control bodies, passionate bodies, and angry bodies that result is an emphasis on the corporeal. Uploaders, using cell phones with limited access to editing or special effects software, bare their bodies to create entertainment value.

The frame is vertical and narrow, a shape that characterizes cell phone videos.

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At the beginning of the dance the woman faces the camera, kicks her legs out slightly, and allows the small kick to create a chain reaction of movement up and down her body that is exaggerated by the swaying of her t-shirt and the fringe on her boots. When she seems sufficiently warmed-up, the dancer turns around and in profile it becomes clear that the woman is several months pregnant. With her back facing the camera, she bends over and isolates her body parts so the dance that began easily has become more seductive and vigorous. Then without warning, she slides into a split on the floor and the crowd screams.

This is a climactic point. The crowd begins throwing handfuls of money to reward the performer, which seems to encourage her to continue varying and intensifying her choreography. While materially different, all of these exchanges rely on translating an excess or surplus into value or meaning like advertising dollars or the delight of the viewer whose expectations have been exceeded. However, anti-black scopic regimes regularly position the black female body as abject excess that affirms white female beauty and, contradictorily, a form of hypersexuality that asserts masculine strength.

Thus, the dancer may be denied the self-possession of her own fleshy excesses as they are inserted into one of these functions and used to support the banner ads framing her body.

Unaffected, the dancer looks almost exclusively at her own body and enjoys watching the effortless movement of her hips and thighs. However, using her representation to extend meaning to the performance is an over attribution of racial meaning. However, when the dancer looks at her body, she disrupts the attempts to be confined within legible space.

Furthermore, by partaking in the pleasure of her own visual spectacle she reveals what is distinct about a black body that is often subsumed by the discourse of stereotypes—always, already being an image. For example, blackness is expressed as two interrelated desires in the video: The ambivalence of blackness is formally expressed in the digital image that is similarly associated with fantasies of both immateriality and presence. Even as WSHH expands its media platform, by creating a cell phone app for users to submit their videos directly to the site, WSHH continues to make claims to limited mediation.

Approximity shifts arguments about the digital aesthetic from the visible to the visual, the latter being a point of articulation between technologies of sight and cultural expectation; as a result, the digital aesthetic is not bound to specific mediums or technologies. Blackness is the demand.

Thus, not every visible body or Internet video is black; blackness is expressed in the careful negotiation of bodily visibility and technological invisibility on the site. I contend the alignment of digital and black aesthetics shows a clear parallel between the videos of bodies on the website and actual bodies—neither have any inherent racial meaning or value.

Yet, WSHH does not function as a space for interracial interfacing without engaging in the ontological confusion of approximity. The most advanced image technologies cannot make the bodies entirely accessible, legible, or available to be shared among viewers—they remain approximate.

Yet, images of bodies and bodies as images are subject to governing logics, like space, race, class, gender, or the architecture of a website. The most prominent features of the interface are its white background and the straightforward repetition in the video columns. The International Style gained popularity after World War II as a functionalist approach to the built environment committed to solving modern spatial challenges through economical construction, designs that emphasize simplicity in color and texture, and an absolute rejection of the excesses of ornament.

By replicating the visual event of blackness, WSHH repeats the formal qualities of several earlier visual attractions like the contained architecture of the peep show or the window displays of a red light district. In Modern architecture unadorned surfaces do not indicate an absence of style or intention; instead, they create a strong link between functionality, transparency, and rationality. WSHH, YouTube, and Vimeo all use a white background and in the wholly constructed web space this interface color is a design choice, not a default.

More importantly, WSHH and the other sites do not use their white space in the same way. YouTube and Vimeo both allow users to login and create a customized front page with video feeds generated from recommendations and user-selected subscriptions. For example, on the right of their video feed, users who pay for Vimeo Plus accounts can see analytics about their own uploaded videos. On these sites, the appearance of emptiness, represented by the white color, invites users to fill in the space with their preferences. With the exception of the WSHH online store, another point of exchange that has an entirely different web design, visitors cannot log into the hip-hop site and are unable to customize the front page.

Because there are limited ways users can insert themselves in the WSHH interface, there is a clear sense visitors have arrived somewhere else—the interface others the space. Architects working within the International Style aimed to build environments that suited the needs of inhabitants so well that the structure would effectively disappear. For example, the challenge on WSHH is creating a unique site identity using a redundant web design to cohere a set of videos that are uninhibited, incoherent, unoriginal, and improvised.

For example, virtually all news and social media sites include space for commenting below featured content and site administrators establish rules and features to dissuade commenters from using this space for harassment. This heading applies meaning to all of the videos from the outside, effectively racializing the site without indicating how this process occurred because it is unclear how uploads even enter this racial context.

Sealing this space helps ensure that the encounter with blackness appears objective, as if these videos inherently produce racist comments. Building an objective architecture means not only rejecting certain spatial references, like regional design details, but also temporal markers that indicate the potential for change.

To function as an objectively black space, despite its generic design and the clear ways in which WSHH interacts with similar video sharing sites, WSHH disavows the temporality of racialization. On the site, new sets of videos appear under the upload date, as opposed to being organized by subject or genre. Thus, viewers are encouraged to move backward in time for more content but, more importantly, through this style of linear navigation they are made aware of the fact that there will be more videos tomorrow. New videos are simply added to the top of the structure so the site accumulates but its appearance remains the same.

The organization suggests one pleasure the site offers is the perpetuity of the visual event, or awareness that certain bodies are always available. All interfaces that incorporate time are not black, but the visuality of the supposedly race-neutral digital space is preceded by the visual logic of blackness.

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Thus, looking forward to understand the future of interfacing with blackness may be best accomplished through a glance back. The logo is an example of the interface not constructing an actual black thing, but a black effect. Just to the right of the letters is a small bullet hole, recognizable by the look of pierced metal. Unlike any other part of the site, the logo includes animation. On a recurring loop two thin puffs of smoke come from the bullet hole and small red flashes appear across the entire logo. This animated detail is not realistic and does not feign transparency, but it is part of a visual culture that links blackness, criminality, and authenticity and allows these terms to become as slippery and interchangeable as black, urban, and hip-hop.

A similar conflation occurs in the film Bamboozled Lee, , a film that makes the issues of realism, racialized representation, and commodity exchange explicit. One commercial parodies the Tommy Hilfiger clothing-line, which became popular with rap artists despite the protestations of the designer. These moments, both inside and outside of the videos on WSHH, allow the excesses of racial meaning belief, disbelief, attraction, and abjection to be materialized on the computer screen.

The effect is not just continuity, but commensurability. The smooth, flat surface of WSHH treats fights filmed on cellphone cameras the same as expensive music videos, allowing them to exist on the same plane. For example, interfaces create a meaningful threshold that runs in-between viewer and media, not between media, to efficiently manage content. Similarly, Modern architectures use easily exchangeable parts to remain stable in the face of change. In the fantastical geography of hip-hop architecture, anti-black racial discourse is pushed to its conceptual limit and becomes nonsensical.

I have tried to make a more radical suggestion—participating in the space of the site allows any kind of body or image to be rendered as black. Variation and incorporation become qualities of the black form. Thus, white bodies do not illustrate a structural problem in hip-hop architecture.

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WSHH builds a black form that is not troubled by non-black bodies or videos because it expresses its blackness in the non-representational mode of pattern. Modernist architecture communicates through repetition and these patterns visualize the kinds of ambivalence that exists in the aesthetics of blackness. Patterns are repetitions of sameness that are capable of managing variance by recapturing the rhythm. This paradox explains how the WSHH interface accomplishes its two seemingly contradictory aesthetic functions: Instead of relying on a resemblance to blackness, the WSHH interface constructs its racial identity in the repetition of thumbnail images.

Without an organizing principle of repetition, true improvisation would be impossible. Despite their best attempts to remove the discussion of style from the design theory, their guidelines on fenestration, building materials, and pattern are clearly veiled prescriptions about ornamentation.

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